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Mark McGee's avatar

Thank you for this series. I doubt that many young journalists understand the codification process, so this is a great service for them as well as the general public.

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Ray Reinhard's avatar

As I read Dobbs and the Constitution, Congress currently has no authority to “codify Roe.” [See, e.g., Congressional Research Service, “Congressional Authority to Regulate Abortion”, CRS Legal Sidebar, July 8, 2022; Alan B. Morrison and Sonia M. Suter, “Congress Can’t Codify Roe: Here’s What It Can Do”, The Hill, August 8, 2022; William H. Hurd, “Does Congress Have the Authority to Codify Roe?”, Bloomberg Law, May 17, 2022.]

This is because:

1. Congress may only enact legislation under a specific power enumerated in the Constitution, and cannot act beyond the scope of its powers to intrude on state sovereignty.

2. The states’ broad authority is subject only to limitations imposed by the Supremacy Clause [Article VI], which makes federal law “the Supreme Law of the Land” and prohibits states from contravening the Constitution or lawful congressional enactments.

3. Dobbs holds that “[t]he Constitution makes no reference to abortion, and no such right is implicitly protected by any constitutional provision, including…the Due Process Clause [Section 1] of the Fourteenth Amendment.” [597 U.S. 215 (2022), p. 5.]

4. The Tenth Amendment reserves to the states the powers not delegated to the federal government by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states. The Supreme Court has interpreted this amendment as prohibiting Congress from “commandeering” such powers. [See Murphy v. NCAA, 584 U.S. 453 (2018). Writing for the majority, Justice Alito rejected the argument that the anti-commandeering doctrine only applies to affirmative congressional commands, as opposed to when Congress prohibits certain state action. Finding the distinction between affirmative requirements and prohibitions empty, the Court held that both types of commands equally intrude on state sovereign interests.]

5. Therefore, unless and until Dobbs is overturned, the authority to regulate abortion rests solely with the states and Congress may neither mandate nor prohibit a national right to abortion. [“We end this opinion where we began. Abortion presents a profound moral question. The Constitution does not prohibit the citizens of each State from regulating or prohibiting abortion. Roe and Casey arrogated that authority. We now overrule those decisions and return that authority to the people and their elected representatives.” Alito, J. writing for the majority in Dobbs. 597 U.S. 215 (2022), pp. 78-9.]

Furthermore, even if Congress did have the power to statutorily overturn Dobbs, it is far from clear that it should do so. The acts of one session of Congress are not binding on future sessions. If Congress could enact a statute codifying a national right to abortion, therefore, there would be nothing to stop a subsequent Congress from repealing the statute and enacting a national abortion ban. Rather than being a stable feature of American law, reproductive rights would become a political football, changing every time control of the legislative and executive branches changed.

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